Gorbachev S Death Opens Russia Europe Divide Politico

“Lithuanians will not glorify Gorbachev,” said Lithuanian Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsmbergis. “We will never forget the simple fact that his army murdered civilians to prolong his regime’s occupation of our country. His soldiers fired at our unarmed protesters and crushed them under his tanks. That’s how we’ll remember him.” As the European Union grapples with how to deal with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, disputes over Gorbachev’s legacy once again expose deep divisions among the bloc’s 27 member states over policy toward Moscow. It is countries like Lithuania, closer to the front lines, that are most at risk from a newly aggressive Russia and have the most reason to fear a complacent reading of history. In less than 24 hours after the announcement of Gorbachev’s death, the outburst from Landsbergis was remarkable. Just hours earlier, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen had praised Gorbachev as a “trusted and respected leader” who “paved the way for a free Europe”. French President Emmanuel Macron also weighed in, saying Gorbachev’s “commitment to peace in Europe changed our shared history.” German Chancellor Olaf Scholz said the former Soviet Union leader made his country’s existence as a unified state possible. Similar words of praise came from Washington, London and Dublin. But for Lithuanians like Landsbergis, the events of Gorbachev’s rule remain painful today. In January 1991, the Soviet army stormed the parliament and a television and radio center, killing 14 people. Days later, five people were killed when troops stormed a Latvian government ministry and opened fire. The bloodshed did not stop there. In Azerbaijan, 150 people were killed by the Soviet army, while more than 20 people were massacred by Soviet forces, armed with clubs and shovels, in Tbilisi, Georgia. These violent episodes are often overlooked when Western politicians refer to those heady and historic moments as the Soviet Union disintegrated. Gorbachev, who was president during this time, himself denied knowledge of the atrocities. In his 1995 book Memoirs, Gorbachev referred to the controversy, claiming he did not know what was happening in the Baltics and vaguely hinting at a conspiracy. “When it comes to memories of Gorbachev, the Baltic experience is different,” said Kadri Liik, senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations. “For much of Europe, Gorbachev was the one who ended the Cold War, allowed Germany to reunify, while the memory in the Baltic states is that — yes, he started perestroika, glasnost — but he was against the Baltic independence drive states.” Mikhail Gorbachev and his wife Raisa Gorbachsova with First Secretary of the Lithuanian Communist Party Algirdas Brazauskas in Siauliai on January 12, 1990 during a three-day visit to the Lithuanian Soviet Republic. Lithuania legally seceded from the Soviet Union on March 11, 1990 | Vitaly Armand/AFP via Getty Images The pain of the violent events of 1991 is still felt, especially in Lithuania. Earlier this year, families of those killed in the 1991 Soviet crackdown filed a civil lawsuit against Gorbachev. The plaintiffs argued that, as commander-in-chief of the Soviet Armed Forces in 1991, Gorbachev had the power to prevent the event but did not. In 2019 several dozen former Russian officials were convicted of war crimes in a Vilnius court for their involvement in the raids. But they were sentenced in absentia because Russia and Belarus refused to extradite them. As Gorbachev’s death reopens these wounds, it also highlights the current divisions in Europe over Russia. Since the start of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the trio of Baltic states – along with former Eastern bloc states such as Poland – have taken an aggressive stance on the war, arguing for a stronger response from the EU. Armed with a historical memory of Soviet control that Western Europe simply does not possess, the EU’s eastern members have punished their western partners for their naivety when it comes to Vladimir Putin. The East-West divide over how to respond to Putin has permeated every part of EU policy-making since the start of the war – from the tortured rounds of sanctions negotiations, to the need to accelerate energy independence from Russia – with the Baltic and Eastern European countries repeatedly calling for stronger action. It also drives the current controversy over Europe’s ban on Russian visitors. The Baltic countries are urging the EU to implement a blanket ban on Russian visitors, a proposal that has met resistance from a group of Western European states. As comments about Gorbachev for his role in ending the Cold War and advocating a détente with the West continue to come thick and fast, there has also been a notable silence from Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s government. Gorbachev’s handling of the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear disaster looms large in Ukrainian history. The then Soviet leader chose to downplay the disaster, not informing the general population of what had happened until weeks later. Labor Day parades in cities and towns went on as planned, even as radiation drifted over Ukraine, Belarus and Russia. Gorbachev’s views on Putin’s war in Ukraine in recent months are unclear – a day after the invasion he called for a “cease of hostilities” and the start of peace talks, though he did not blame Russia. Gorbachev also supported Putin’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, a takeover considered illegal by the EU and most of the international community. As with many figures in world history, Gorbachev’s legacy is part myth, part fact. Latvian Foreign Minister Edgars Rinkevics perhaps came closest to the truth in his response to Gorbachev’s death on Tuesday. Gorbachev “tried to reform the Soviet Union and failed,” Rinkevich wrote on Twitter. The collapse of the Soviet Union was “the best moment of the 20th century,” he said, but it wasn’t that simple. “The end of the Cold War was great, but the killings of people in Tbilisi, Vilnius, Riga are also part of its legacy. It is up to History to judge him.” Camille Gijs and Zoya Sheftalovich contributed reporting

title: “Gorbachev S Death Opens Russia Europe Divide Politico Klmat” ShowToc: true date: “2022-12-11” author: “Oscar Bower”

“Lithuanians will not glorify Gorbachev,” said Lithuanian Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsmbergis. “We will never forget the simple fact that his army murdered civilians to prolong his regime’s occupation of our country. His soldiers fired at our unarmed protesters and crushed them under his tanks. That’s how we’ll remember him.” As the European Union grapples with how to deal with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, disputes over Gorbachev’s legacy once again expose deep divisions among the bloc’s 27 member states over policy toward Moscow. It is countries like Lithuania, closer to the front lines, that are most at risk from a newly aggressive Russia and have the most reason to fear a complacent reading of history. In less than 24 hours after the announcement of Gorbachev’s death, the outburst from Landsbergis was remarkable. Just hours earlier, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen had praised Gorbachev as a “trusted and respected leader” who “paved the way for a free Europe”. French President Emmanuel Macron also weighed in, saying Gorbachev’s “commitment to peace in Europe changed our shared history.” German Chancellor Olaf Scholz said the former Soviet Union leader made his country’s existence as a unified state possible. Similar words of praise came from Washington, London and Dublin. But for Lithuanians like Landsbergis, the events of Gorbachev’s rule remain painful today. In January 1991, the Soviet army stormed the parliament and a television and radio center, killing 14 people. Days later, five people were killed when troops stormed a Latvian government ministry and opened fire. The bloodshed did not stop there. In Azerbaijan, 150 people were killed by the Soviet army, while more than 20 people were massacred by Soviet forces, armed with clubs and shovels, in Tbilisi, Georgia. These violent episodes are often overlooked when Western politicians refer to those heady and historic moments as the Soviet Union disintegrated. Gorbachev, who was president during this time, himself denied knowledge of the atrocities. In his 1995 book Memoirs, Gorbachev referred to the controversy, claiming he did not know what was happening in the Baltics and vaguely hinting at a conspiracy. “When it comes to memories of Gorbachev, the Baltic experience is different,” said Kadri Liik, senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations. “For much of Europe, Gorbachev was the one who ended the Cold War, allowed Germany to reunify, while the memory in the Baltic states is that — yes, he started perestroika, glasnost — but he was against the Baltic independence drive states.” Mikhail Gorbachev and his wife Raisa Gorbachsova with First Secretary of the Lithuanian Communist Party Algirdas Brazauskas in Siauliai on January 12, 1990 during a three-day visit to the Lithuanian Soviet Republic. Lithuania legally seceded from the Soviet Union on March 11, 1990 | Vitaly Armand/AFP via Getty Images The pain of the violent events of 1991 is still felt, especially in Lithuania. Earlier this year, families of those killed in the 1991 Soviet crackdown filed a civil lawsuit against Gorbachev. The plaintiffs argued that, as commander-in-chief of the Soviet Armed Forces in 1991, Gorbachev had the power to prevent the event but did not. In 2019 several dozen former Russian officials were convicted of war crimes in a Vilnius court for their involvement in the raids. But they were sentenced in absentia because Russia and Belarus refused to extradite them. As Gorbachev’s death reopens these wounds, it also highlights the current divisions in Europe over Russia. Since the start of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the trio of Baltic states – along with former Eastern bloc states such as Poland – have taken an aggressive stance on the war, arguing for a stronger response from the EU. Armed with a historical memory of Soviet control that Western Europe simply does not possess, the EU’s eastern members have punished their western partners for their naivety when it comes to Vladimir Putin. The East-West divide over how to respond to Putin has permeated every part of EU policy-making since the start of the war – from the tortured rounds of sanctions negotiations, to the need to accelerate energy independence from Russia – with the Baltic and Eastern European countries repeatedly calling for stronger action. It also drives the current controversy over Europe’s ban on Russian visitors. The Baltic countries are urging the EU to implement a blanket ban on Russian visitors, a proposal that has met resistance from a group of Western European states. As comments about Gorbachev for his role in ending the Cold War and advocating a détente with the West continue to come thick and fast, there has also been a notable silence from Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s government. Gorbachev’s handling of the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear disaster looms large in Ukrainian history. The then Soviet leader chose to downplay the disaster, not informing the general population of what had happened until weeks later. Labor Day parades in cities and towns went on as planned, even as radiation drifted over Ukraine, Belarus and Russia. Gorbachev’s views on Putin’s war in Ukraine in recent months are unclear – a day after the invasion he called for a “cease of hostilities” and the start of peace talks, though he did not blame Russia. Gorbachev also supported Putin’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, a takeover considered illegal by the EU and most of the international community. As with many figures in world history, Gorbachev’s legacy is part myth, part fact. Latvian Foreign Minister Edgars Rinkevics perhaps came closest to the truth in his response to Gorbachev’s death on Tuesday. Gorbachev “tried to reform the Soviet Union and failed,” Rinkevich wrote on Twitter. The collapse of the Soviet Union was “the best moment of the 20th century,” he said, but it wasn’t that simple. “The end of the Cold War was great, but the killings of people in Tbilisi, Vilnius, Riga are also part of its legacy. It is up to History to judge him.” Camille Gijs and Zoya Sheftalovich contributed reporting

title: “Gorbachev S Death Opens Russia Europe Divide Politico Klmat” ShowToc: true date: “2022-10-22” author: “Cecilia Butler”

“Lithuanians will not glorify Gorbachev,” said Lithuanian Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsmbergis. “We will never forget the simple fact that his army murdered civilians to prolong his regime’s occupation of our country. His soldiers fired at our unarmed protesters and crushed them under his tanks. That’s how we’ll remember him.” As the European Union grapples with how to deal with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, disputes over Gorbachev’s legacy once again expose deep divisions among the bloc’s 27 member states over policy toward Moscow. It is countries like Lithuania, closer to the front lines, that are most at risk from a newly aggressive Russia and have the most reason to fear a complacent reading of history. In less than 24 hours after the announcement of Gorbachev’s death, the outburst from Landsbergis was remarkable. Just hours earlier, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen had praised Gorbachev as a “trusted and respected leader” who “paved the way for a free Europe”. French President Emmanuel Macron also weighed in, saying Gorbachev’s “commitment to peace in Europe changed our shared history.” German Chancellor Olaf Scholz said the former Soviet Union leader made his country’s existence as a unified state possible. Similar words of praise came from Washington, London and Dublin. But for Lithuanians like Landsbergis, the events of Gorbachev’s rule remain painful today. In January 1991, the Soviet army stormed the parliament and a television and radio center, killing 14 people. Days later, five people were killed when troops stormed a Latvian government ministry and opened fire. The bloodshed did not stop there. In Azerbaijan, 150 people were killed by the Soviet army, while more than 20 people were massacred by Soviet forces, armed with clubs and shovels, in Tbilisi, Georgia. These violent episodes are often overlooked when Western politicians refer to those heady and historic moments as the Soviet Union disintegrated. Gorbachev, who was president during this time, himself denied knowledge of the atrocities. In his 1995 book Memoirs, Gorbachev referred to the controversy, claiming he did not know what was happening in the Baltics and vaguely hinting at a conspiracy. “When it comes to memories of Gorbachev, the Baltic experience is different,” said Kadri Liik, senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations. “For much of Europe, Gorbachev was the one who ended the Cold War, allowed Germany to reunify, while the memory in the Baltic states is that — yes, he started perestroika, glasnost — but he was against the Baltic independence drive states.” Mikhail Gorbachev and his wife Raisa Gorbachsova with First Secretary of the Lithuanian Communist Party Algirdas Brazauskas in Siauliai on January 12, 1990 during a three-day visit to the Lithuanian Soviet Republic. Lithuania legally seceded from the Soviet Union on March 11, 1990 | Vitaly Armand/AFP via Getty Images The pain of the violent events of 1991 is still felt, especially in Lithuania. Earlier this year, families of those killed in the 1991 Soviet crackdown filed a civil lawsuit against Gorbachev. The plaintiffs argued that, as commander-in-chief of the Soviet Armed Forces in 1991, Gorbachev had the power to prevent the event but did not. In 2019 several dozen former Russian officials were convicted of war crimes in a Vilnius court for their involvement in the raids. But they were sentenced in absentia because Russia and Belarus refused to extradite them. As Gorbachev’s death reopens these wounds, it also highlights the current divisions in Europe over Russia. Since the start of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the trio of Baltic states – along with former Eastern bloc states such as Poland – have taken an aggressive stance on the war, arguing for a stronger response from the EU. Armed with a historical memory of Soviet control that Western Europe simply does not possess, the EU’s eastern members have punished their western partners for their naivety when it comes to Vladimir Putin. The East-West divide over how to respond to Putin has permeated every part of EU policy-making since the start of the war – from the tortured rounds of sanctions negotiations, to the need to accelerate energy independence from Russia – with the Baltic and Eastern European countries repeatedly calling for stronger action. It also drives the current controversy over Europe’s ban on Russian visitors. The Baltic countries are urging the EU to implement a blanket ban on Russian visitors, a proposal that has met resistance from a group of Western European states. As comments about Gorbachev for his role in ending the Cold War and advocating a détente with the West continue to come thick and fast, there has also been a notable silence from Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s government. Gorbachev’s handling of the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear disaster looms large in Ukrainian history. The then Soviet leader chose to downplay the disaster, not informing the general population of what had happened until weeks later. Labor Day parades in cities and towns went on as planned, even as radiation drifted over Ukraine, Belarus and Russia. Gorbachev’s views on Putin’s war in Ukraine in recent months are unclear – a day after the invasion he called for a “cease of hostilities” and the start of peace talks, though he did not blame Russia. Gorbachev also supported Putin’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, a takeover considered illegal by the EU and most of the international community. As with many figures in world history, Gorbachev’s legacy is part myth, part fact. Latvian Foreign Minister Edgars Rinkevics perhaps came closest to the truth in his response to Gorbachev’s death on Tuesday. Gorbachev “tried to reform the Soviet Union and failed,” Rinkevich wrote on Twitter. The collapse of the Soviet Union was “the best moment of the 20th century,” he said, but it wasn’t that simple. “The end of the Cold War was great, but the killings of people in Tbilisi, Vilnius, Riga are also part of its legacy. It is up to History to judge him.” Camille Gijs and Zoya Sheftalovich contributed reporting

title: “Gorbachev S Death Opens Russia Europe Divide Politico Klmat” ShowToc: true date: “2022-11-18” author: “Mary Webster”

“Lithuanians will not glorify Gorbachev,” said Lithuanian Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsmbergis. “We will never forget the simple fact that his army murdered civilians to prolong his regime’s occupation of our country. His soldiers fired at our unarmed protesters and crushed them under his tanks. That’s how we’ll remember him.” As the European Union grapples with how to deal with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, disputes over Gorbachev’s legacy once again expose deep divisions among the bloc’s 27 member states over policy toward Moscow. It is countries like Lithuania, closer to the front lines, that are most at risk from a newly aggressive Russia and have the most reason to fear a complacent reading of history. In less than 24 hours after the announcement of Gorbachev’s death, the outburst from Landsbergis was remarkable. Just hours earlier, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen had praised Gorbachev as a “trusted and respected leader” who “paved the way for a free Europe”. French President Emmanuel Macron also weighed in, saying Gorbachev’s “commitment to peace in Europe changed our shared history.” German Chancellor Olaf Scholz said the former Soviet Union leader made his country’s existence as a unified state possible. Similar words of praise came from Washington, London and Dublin. But for Lithuanians like Landsbergis, the events of Gorbachev’s rule remain painful today. In January 1991, the Soviet army stormed the parliament and a television and radio center, killing 14 people. Days later, five people were killed when troops stormed a Latvian government ministry and opened fire. The bloodshed did not stop there. In Azerbaijan, 150 people were killed by the Soviet army, while more than 20 people were massacred by Soviet forces, armed with clubs and shovels, in Tbilisi, Georgia. These violent episodes are often overlooked when Western politicians refer to those heady and historic moments as the Soviet Union disintegrated. Gorbachev, who was president during this time, himself denied knowledge of the atrocities. In his 1995 book Memoirs, Gorbachev referred to the controversy, claiming he did not know what was happening in the Baltics and vaguely hinting at a conspiracy. “When it comes to memories of Gorbachev, the Baltic experience is different,” said Kadri Liik, senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations. “For much of Europe, Gorbachev was the one who ended the Cold War, allowed Germany to reunify, while the memory in the Baltic states is that — yes, he started perestroika, glasnost — but he was against the Baltic independence drive states.” Mikhail Gorbachev and his wife Raisa Gorbachsova with First Secretary of the Lithuanian Communist Party Algirdas Brazauskas in Siauliai on January 12, 1990 during a three-day visit to the Lithuanian Soviet Republic. Lithuania legally seceded from the Soviet Union on March 11, 1990 | Vitaly Armand/AFP via Getty Images The pain of the violent events of 1991 is still felt, especially in Lithuania. Earlier this year, families of those killed in the 1991 Soviet crackdown filed a civil lawsuit against Gorbachev. The plaintiffs argued that, as commander-in-chief of the Soviet Armed Forces in 1991, Gorbachev had the power to prevent the event but did not. In 2019 several dozen former Russian officials were convicted of war crimes in a Vilnius court for their involvement in the raids. But they were sentenced in absentia because Russia and Belarus refused to extradite them. As Gorbachev’s death reopens these wounds, it also highlights the current divisions in Europe over Russia. Since the start of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the trio of Baltic states – along with former Eastern bloc states such as Poland – have taken an aggressive stance on the war, arguing for a stronger response from the EU. Armed with a historical memory of Soviet control that Western Europe simply does not possess, the EU’s eastern members have punished their western partners for their naivety when it comes to Vladimir Putin. The East-West divide over how to respond to Putin has permeated every part of EU policy-making since the start of the war – from the tortured rounds of sanctions negotiations, to the need to accelerate energy independence from Russia – with the Baltic and Eastern European countries repeatedly calling for stronger action. It also drives the current controversy over Europe’s ban on Russian visitors. The Baltic countries are urging the EU to implement a blanket ban on Russian visitors, a proposal that has met resistance from a group of Western European states. As comments about Gorbachev for his role in ending the Cold War and advocating a détente with the West continue to come thick and fast, there has also been a notable silence from Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s government. Gorbachev’s handling of the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear disaster looms large in Ukrainian history. The then Soviet leader chose to downplay the disaster, not informing the general population of what had happened until weeks later. Labor Day parades in cities and towns went on as planned, even as radiation drifted over Ukraine, Belarus and Russia. Gorbachev’s views on Putin’s war in Ukraine in recent months are unclear – a day after the invasion he called for a “cease of hostilities” and the start of peace talks, though he did not blame Russia. Gorbachev also supported Putin’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, a takeover considered illegal by the EU and most of the international community. As with many figures in world history, Gorbachev’s legacy is part myth, part fact. Latvian Foreign Minister Edgars Rinkevics perhaps came closest to the truth in his response to Gorbachev’s death on Tuesday. Gorbachev “tried to reform the Soviet Union and failed,” Rinkevich wrote on Twitter. The collapse of the Soviet Union was “the best moment of the 20th century,” he said, but it wasn’t that simple. “The end of the Cold War was great, but the killings of people in Tbilisi, Vilnius, Riga are also part of its legacy. It is up to History to judge him.” Camille Gijs and Zoya Sheftalovich contributed reporting